Wow, just wow. Even when you choose to say nothing, that can be used against you as guilt. It really seems like the American way is guilty until proven innocent, and there will be no let up and everyone is in jail!
Wow, just wow. Even when you choose to say nothing, that can be used against you as guilt. It really seems like the American way is guilty until proven innocent, and there will be no let up and everyone is in jail!
There are privately run prisons in the US, but they do not define the system. Incarceration is expensive --- so expensive that criminal justice reform is starting to become a bipartisan issue at the federal level.
That being said, there is still an enormous profit motive attached to much of the current criminal justice system. There are a huge number of people who make their living off of it (and often times a whole lot more than a living) and have a vested economic interest in continuing business as usual. To pick a couple of easy examples, in California, the union for prison guards is an enormously powerful lobby (smaller than the teacher's union but more politically powerful) and spends a huge amount of time and money pushing for longer sentences and more incarceration. The alcohol industry very much likes that the criminal justice system is locking people in cages when they choose to use a competing product and is lobbying very hard to keep marijuana illegal wherever it can. Prisoners are used to work at slave wages for large private companies who make a killing off of it.
So while I'll accept the dismissal of the private prison issue which is rarely significant but exhaustingly invariably raised in every single discussion even tangentially touching CJ, there's some meat to what GP is saying. And we're not quite anywhere near bipartisanship on CJ reform yet at least on a federal level; half the presidential candidates have decried any attempts to reform CJ and declared themselves the "law and order candidates"
Is there evidence that companies like AB InBev are campaigning against legalization? Also: marijuana has only a marginal effect on incarceration (contrary to popular belief drugs as a whole are minor fraction of the crimes people are imprisoned for, an marijuana is only a very small fraction of that fraction) --- so how big an impact can AB InBev be having on prison populations?
There are a lot of compelling narratives about incarceration that turn out not to be true when you consult the data. Again: Pfaff is a great resource for this stuff.
I agree that corrections officers unions have political clout. But I dispute the idea that they're a significant force for increased sentencing. What's probably really happening is that corrections officers work at understaffed, underfunded facilities that are left to fend for themselves against an onslaught of felony convictions generated by aggressive prosecutors. Of course they want bigger prisons! Are you reading a lot of stories about how state prisons are overprovisioned, with too many empty beds? I'm reading the opposite.
Nearly 50% of federal prisoners are in on drug charges. For state it's 16%. There were 700k marijuana arrests in 2014 alone. It's not enough to explain our CJ issues by itself but it's very significant.
And the subject here is not just explicit incarceration, it's profit motive associated with the criminal justice system: the CJ system is explicitly designed (among other things) as a deterrent system. Even if the number of (white) Marijuana users incarcerated is small, keeping it illegal pushes people away from it and towards the more dangerous drug, alcohol, according to some alcohol industry spokespeople at least, as per that article and many others.
The concerns I have with the unions have nothing to do with their pushing for better funded and larger prisons to house the prisoners we do have (which they most certainly do as well). If you take the California example, they fought hard in favor of three strikes (and succeeded!), they were BY FAR (by 4x) the biggest donor to 'No on 5' in 08 (and succeeded!)
Prison labor data is difficult to find -- I assume large companies aren't eager to make it known they use prison labor, but either way I'm just having trouble finding references with any kind of hard data at all positive or negative from a reasonable source. Whole foods made news when it stopped using prison labor. The BP oil spill was cleaned up in large part by inmates, not paid contractors or employees. AT&T laid off their call center workers and hired inmates in the 90s.
Also, what is Pfaff?
That ruling needs challenging. It runs contrary to the Miranda rights. The police explicitly state that you have the right to remain silent. They don't say that you need to invoke the right.
The purpose of Miranda, and the Fifth Amendment generally, is not to keep guilty defendants from incriminating themselves. It is to keep the State from using its coercive power to extract unreliable confessions from the accused. When an accused incriminates himself without the coercive power of the state being invoked, excluding the evidence does not serve the purpose of the Fifth Amendment. The Supreme Court has given a pretty broad reading to when the coercive power of the state is invoked, but has drawn the line just short of "any interaction with the police."
The state is assumed to be right, not cooperating is admission of guilt. They are "law and order" type who believe in vindictiveness and wrath when citizens won't respect police power.
It is well settled that the Fifth Amendment right against self-incrimination must be explicitly invoked:
> The privilege against self-incrimination "is an exception to the general principle that the Government has the right to everyone's testimony." Garner v. United States, 424 U. S. 648, 658, n. 11 (1976). To prevent the privilege from shielding information not properly within its scope, we have long held that a witness who "`desires the protection of the privilege . . . must claim it'" at the time he relies on it. Murphy, 465 U. S., at 427 (quoting Monia, 317 U. S., at 427). See also United States ex rel. Vajtauer v. Commissioner of Immigration[384] , 273 U. S. 103, 113 (1927).
> That requirement ensures that the Government is put on notice when a witness intends to rely on the privilege so that it may either argue that the testimony sought could not be self-incriminating, see Hoffman v. United States, 341 U. S. 479, 486 (1951), or cure any potential self-incrimination through a grant of immunity, see Kastigar v. United States, 406 U. S. 441, 448 (1972). The express invocation requirement also gives courts tasked with evaluating a Fifth Amendment claim a contemporaneous record establishing the witness' reasons for refusing to answer. See Roberts v. United States, 445 U. S. 552, 560, n. 7 (1980) ("A witness may not employ the privilege to avoid giving testimony that he simply would prefer not to give"); Hutcheson v. United States, 369 U. S. 599, 610-611 (1962) (declining to treat invocation of due process as proper assertion of the privilege). In these ways, insisting that witnesses expressly invoke the privilege "assures that the Government obtains all the information to which it is entitled." Garner, supra, at 658, n. 11.
In this case, the defendant had not been read Miranda warnings because he had not been taken into custody. It was a voluntary questioning. He then started answering questions, but went silent when talking about the ballistics evidence. Thus, the whole case was about whether "he was exercising his Fifth Amendment privilege" or not. The Court decided that under the circumstances, he was not:
> Petitioner cannot benefit from that principle because it is undisputed that his interview with police was voluntary. As petitioner himself acknowledges, he agreed to accompany the officers to the station and "was free to leave at any time during the interview." Brief for Petitioner 2-3 (internal quotation marks omitted). That places petitioner's situation outside the scope of Miranda and other cases in which we have held that various forms of governmental coercion prevented defendants from voluntarily invoking the privilege. The dissent elides this point when it cites our precedents in this area for the proposition that "[c]ircumstances, rather than explicit invocation, trigger the protection of the Fifth Amendment." Post, at 7-8 (opinion of BREYER, J.). The critical question is whether, under the "circumstances" of this case, petitioner was deprived of the ability to voluntarily invoke the Fifth Amendment. He was not.