You’ve got it backwards. States have a general “police power” and have the right to pass laws to regulate the public health unless it infringes on a federal constitutional right. In 50 years there has never been a “great legal argument” where the right to have medical providers perform abortion appears in the Constitution. You’re welcome to look in there yourself and report back.
How do you account for the fact that the Court has not revised Roe v Wade in the last 50 years if it all rests on a correct interpretation of the Constitution, which has obviously not changed?
The way time passes so long is that:
A) the court declines to hear cases over and over again unless it is forced to have “original jurisdiction” or decides not to decline to hear a case.
B) then when it decides to hear a case, we hope it rests on a solid constitutional ground because thats our only framework. there have only been a couple wild surprises from that court, and people amended the constitution in response just because the judges’ understanding was so wildly different than everyone’s, but the logic they pointed out was so clear that everyone agreed to overrule them by changing the constitution. Here, obviously people don't agree that much because, like you, they believe the means justify the end no matter how shaky the logic is. But for those willing to look, theyll see that court hadnt been doing its job as they didnt use the constitutional at all.
so its easy for us to see that the passage of time cannot be weighted as heavily as you are relying on. the marriage equality ones have very sound logic and have just as clear of a chronology as to why it wasnt ruled on before. your right in that it wasnt magic, but your wrong if you think it was ideological randomness.
Obergefell is a good contrast to Roe. Everyone acknowledges that the "rights" protected by the Constitution includes the rights inherited from the English tradition. (Liberals believe it encompasses an evolving set of rights based on changing moral standards, but they agree it includes at least those recognized in England in 1789.)
Marriage was one of those ancient rights. Even the Magna Carta includes rights relating to marriage. The question therefore wasn't whether there was a right to marriage, but whether same-sex relationships fell within the scope of the concept of "marriage."
On that question, the science changed dramatically in the period leading up to 2015. Science proved in the late 1990s that same-sex conduct was not a choice to reject conformity, but was rooted in biology. And in the early 2000s there was the first research showing that same-sex couples were living in committed relationships, raising children, etc. You'll notice that Kennedy spends a lot of time talking about these facts in his opinion--because those facts are critical to showing that same-sex relationships can be called "marriage" as historically understood.
If anything, "the science" has worked against Roe. The first real-time fetal ultrasound was conducted in 1971, just a couple of years before Roe was decided. Since then, ultrasounds have become routine, and 3D ultrasound technology allows us to see that a 15-week fetus isn't a "bundle of cells" but has a human face: https://youtu.be/sBmXNOG4s4A
> On that question, the science changed dramatically in the period leading up to 2015. Science proved in the late 1990s that same-sex conduct was not a choice to reject conformity, but was rooted in biology. And in the early 2000s there was the first research showing that same-sex couples were living in committed relationships, raising children, etc. You'll notice that Kennedy spends a lot of time talking about these facts in his opinion--because those facts are critical to showing that same-sex relationships can be called "marriage" as historically understood.
Homosexual "marriages" have existed since Antiquity. And marriages do not necessarily have to lead to children, otherwise old people would be restricted from marrying. I think it is obvious that this decision is a result of the fast change in the zeitgeist rather than a careful evaluation of evidence, no matter what the Justices or their clerks deemed fit to write in their decisions.
From googling, I'm guessing you're referring to the fact that Barrett's appointment was a week ahead of the presidential election and months ahead of the end of trump's presidency.
Federal appointments down to the last minute of a presidency are lawful, and somewhat late appointments happen frequently. I find the suggestion otherwise in this context particularly amusing, because the fantastic drama over some literally 11th hour appointments-- ones so late they were delivered after the end of the presidency-- is how the supreme court took the power to review laws for constitutionality in https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Marbury_v._Madison . Even lame-duck supreme court nominations used to be fairly common (even though supreme court nominations are not that common themselves) -- that they aren't common more recently is because an unplanned vacancy is far more rare.
It's true that Obama failed to make a nomination at the end of his term, but the view that he couldn't or that it would have been improper is just not factually supported by the law or the history of the country, including the history of supreme court nominations. Instead there is a clear political explanation: Given the composition of the senate and the weakness of an outgoing president, Obama would have only been able to get through a compromise nomination. There was high confidence that Hillary would win and that the dems would have greater senate influence, allowing a more politically extreme nominee if it was left to her term. This was a grave political error, one I suspect we'll be suffering from for years to come. (The fact that we had a number of unplanned vacancies of late are also political errors, at least to the extent that you consider the justices political actors.)
I find it unfair to the point of outright incivility though to escalate a debate about the fairness of it the level of calling the appointment _illegitimate_, and is disrespectful to a fine and honorable institution. The fact that some politicians and pundits can't restrain themselves doesn't excuse the rest of us.
> you reading some of these decisions [...] to treat any of these decision
It's a big step from some to any. No person or process is infallible.
> I find it unfair to the point of outright incivility though to escalate a debate about the fairness of it the level of calling the appointment _illegitimate_, and is disrespectful to a fine and honorable institution.
A fine and honorable institution which has upheld slavery, segregation, imprisonment camps, and the list goes on. The SCOTUS is not above criticism, and change can only occur if we treat them for what they are, servants of the people.