A simple experiment suggests a way to encourage truthfulness
economist.com
economist.com
An especially elegant version: I remember reading an article (probably posted on here) where to figure out how many people were engaged in some illegal activity (opiate production in Afghanistan?), they asked each person to answer the question only after flipping a coin, and if they coin said heads, they were to always say yes. Thus, saying "yes" was no longer incriminating, and all the researchers had to do to get the value they wanted was subtract 50 and double.
The fairness of the coin toss means the researcher asking the question doesn't need to know who got which coin result so it can be kept secret.
Revised:
"You ask 100 people the question about illegal activity, and explain they're going to toss the coin and follow the protocol. That gives you 100 "yes" and "no" answers, of which ~50 "yes" answers are yes due to the coin being heads, regardless of whether true yes or false positive, so subtract those yesses out. The remaining yes answers are from the tails results and are not false positives. Because heads/tails is 50% chance, half of your true yesses were on tails, and half on heads. To get back the "hidden" half of yesses you tossed out with the 50 heads results, you double the yesses that came up with tails. That's the data you use to get a final answer."
100 people are asked a possibly self-incriminating question - "Are you indulging in bad activity X?" They are expected to toss a coin. If the coin said tails, they are expected to give a truthful answer. If the coin said heads, they are expected to say "Yes."
Now, no single person needs to worry about self-incrimination, since they can always claim that their "Yes" answer was the result of a "heads" on the coin toss. But still, you can get an estimate of the percentage of bad activity X going on, by subtracting 50 from the number of "Yes" answers and doubling.
(This is assuming of course that the subjects believe your claim that there is no way for individuals to self-incriminate - which is certainly not a given, IMO.)
So, we thought of this: Have some trusted person learn her preferences, and then flip a coin: if heads, then tell him if she likes him (and say nothing otherwise), and if tails, say nothing either way. This seemed to serve pretty well. [This was all hypothetical, of course.]
I think this is a good koan--something to provoke further thought. For example:
1. This is sort of how a scientific investigation may go. Suppose you have some theory, and some test that only yields results sometimes: 50% of the time, the test will yield result A, but 50% of the time, it will work properly, and in that case, if your theory is right, then the test will yield result A, and if your theory is wrong, then the test will yield result B. (Example: "There are no animals in this area", and imagine that they'll try to avoid being caught and that you can conduct an exhaustive search of only half of some area at once. Or: "Bob isn't holding a key in his hands", and he'll only let you look at one hand at a time and can switch from hand to hand between searches.) Repeated testing will let you approach certainty about your theory (but never really reach it).
2. One could talk about Bayesian probability and priors. Especially if one varies the coin's heads/tails probability.
3. I think this sort of thing is an actual trope in human interactions. Some people give "hints" of various sorts; to hint proposition P might be defined as "to decide to do some action X such that, if not-P, then there's a small probability that a generic human in your position would do X, but if P, then there's a high probability that a generic human in your position would do X". Other people (well, probably the same people) may perform tests, to put some other person in a position where he might do X or something else, and if P were true, he would do X with high probability, but if not-P, then he would do X with low probability. And people who resent such "tests" may deliberately randomize (or genericize) their behavior.
Consider this: Imagine that someone has asked me a question to which, if P, then my answer is rather embarrassing, and if not-P, then my answer is not embarrassing; suppose lying is not an option. Suppose I am a naive person. Then, if not-P, I will simply give the non-embarrassing answer, and if P, then I will refuse to answer or something. Now, if everyone knows I am naive, and P is true, then refusing to answer is futile; everyone can see that and deduce P anyway.
Considering the above, I might decide to be a defensive person. I will recognize questions like that, and at least some of the time, I will simply refuse to answer even though the answer is non-embarrassing. It seems people do exactly this: refusing to answer "personal questions", as they are called, seems to be relatively common behavior. Even on the scale of just you and someone else, you can establish yourself as a defensive person by refusing to answer a personal question when the answer is innocuous, and maybe revealing the answer through some other means or at another time (be a bit careful: e.g. if you refuse to answer, he pressures you to answer, and you say the innocuous answer, then it would still seem to make sense next time you are pressured and still refuse to answer to deduce the embarrassing answer); then, the next time you refuse to answer a personal question, you have demonstrated that this doesn't necessarily imply that the answer is embarrassing.
It seems to me polite to act as though someone has won his status as "defensive" without making him work for it, and rude to do the opposite. Or to make it irrelevant. "May I ask <personal question>" makes it easy for the person to say "No" (much more so than just asking the question), which establishes that "no answer" might easily happen even if the answer is innocuous. (I also take the parallel approach that it shouldn't be embarrassing to tell me anything. I think embarrassment is the anticipated feeling that someone might tease you/put you down for something, and so if telling me something won't lead to that happening, then you needn't be embarrassed to tell me. Then my task is merely to make that true.)
Consider also encryption. Suppose people are naive. Then they won't encrypt anything (and do other things to make their information inaccessible to others) unless they have "something to hide". Then goddamn authorities can say "This person is hiding his stuff, so he is probably guilty, and that's all the evidence we need to justify using forceful means to make him reveal his secrets", and there is little defense against this. (In some situations, you may have an obviously "legitimate" reason to hide things, like hiding your company's information from your competitors. But there are other situations, like if the government comes and demands that information (ignore the possibility that they'll leak anything--I imagine the government will claim that's ridiculous, and I imagine most people would buy that), in which those reasons don't apply.)
Meanwhile, if people are defensive about encrypting and hiding their stuff, then statements like "If you had nothing to hide, then you wouldn't be hiding anything" are obviously false. Imagine trying to make that accusation of Bruce Schneier or Colin Percival. Now if only people like that were extremely common, and considered the norm. (Oh, another example is the "Don't talk to the police" crowd.)
If nothing else, I consider it rude to demand potentially embarrassing or incriminating information from someone who isn't willing to give it up, and use their response to get that information anyway; and I'd rather rude people not win out relative to non-rude people.
I wish they'd included graphs of the actual distributions of reported numbers. That would have been more useful than just the mean, standard deviation, and chi-square results.
And yes, the data should be available for download.
Imagine if they modified slot machines to worsen your odds if you didn't put in another quarter within n seconds.
- People already think "the longer I've played without winning, the greater the chance I'll win now, because I'm 'due'", so there's no need to actually alter the odds (which would cost money)
- Or, maybe they're just afraid that people collapsing and dying at the slot machines (of dehydration, starvation, or exhaustion) would lead to bad publicity and more stringent regulation.
Amusingly, phrasing it this way and combining it with the language in the article, we have 'original sin' arising from evolution. The religious imagery comes not from nowhere, but explains the biology in the best terms it could find. Protoscience.
I'm sure there's research out there that explains at least fews bits of it through experiments where they monitor bodily processes when a person is lying. There are some common methods like the lie-detector and GSR methods, but apart from those external monitoring methods, probably also some molecular/cellular-level observations have been made.
76 people, comparing to a simple average, "no way of knowing" the actual results...Come on, seriously? I love science and give credit to everyone working to understand things; but labeling this as a new understanding (even a potential understanding) of psychological incentives is ridiculous.
As a participant I'd feel more inclined to lie about my first roll if I rolled a higher number in my second or third attempt.
I'd be very interested in the results if n was not 76 but instead 7600.
Shalvi et. al. (2011a) is: Shalvi, S., Dana, J., Handgraaf, M. J. J., & De Dreu, C. K. W. (2011a). Justified ethicality: Observing desired counterfactuals modifies ethical perceptions and behavior. Organizational Behavior and Human Decision Processes, 115, 181-190.
76 was enough to convince me that the effect isn't all publication bias (P<.01, and it's intuitively plausible). I would rather see a more diverse population (than college freshmen) than larger numbers.
As Jacob Cohen (famous statistician) has said, "all null hypotheses, at least in the two tailed forms, are false".
That is, with nearly any hypothesis about differences between groups, given a large enough sample size, you're likely to find a significant difference.
Without that time you wouldn't consider that "chosen at random" may be a lie. So, to the automatic mind your odds of getting paid are the same whether you pick 3 or 6 but the reward for lying is significantly higher. A simple heuristic the automatic mind may use would be (roll)x(payout): 6 x 10 = 60 vs 3 x 10 = 30
I'd be interested if the money incentive might have influence lying in the other direction, however. E.g. I did roll a 6, but if I say the maximum number they may not pay me; if I say a lower number they may be more likely pay me. This could lead to a new rational heuristic including a chance of being paid: 6 x 10 x 0.10 = 6 vs 3 x 10 x 0.50 = 15
On reflection, caution accelerates:
1. The gain is small.
2. Maybe people will find out via mechanism X I didn't think of (hidden cameras?)
3. maybe my report of 6 will be suspicious. maybe a 5 ... no, may as well just go with my original 3 ...
4. How will I feel having cheated? How good will I feel going away having a story of how I was honest even when it cost me?
5. I want to impress my psych teacher with how honest we college freshmen are.
6. Now that I've hesitated so long, I feel even more cautious. I've spent so much time deliberating, when I could have just taken the extra $5 immediately ... I must actually not want to cheat.
Perhaps also noteworthy: the above experiment was with 3 dice rolls, but the instruction to report the first. In a second experiment with only 1 die roll, the averages result claimed by both the hurry-up and take-your-time groups was 0.2-0.4 lower. This suggest that people in the 3 die roll group felt more comfortable cheating by reporting the 2nd or 3rd roll, perhaps in their mind lamely equating it with what could have been the 1st roll, or having a justification ready of having honestly misunderstood (I doubt anyone did honestly misunderstand). A difference of 0.2 is surely significant (comparing between N=76 and N=74 freshmen under the 3-dice and 1-die conditions).
But we're talking p<.01 here, so most likely you're wrong. You'd have to believe that 100 similar studies have been performed and we only heard about the one winner.
If they provided the data set (all the numbers given) we would get the important... standard deviation which would get us closer to that answer.
Was anyone else surprised to see "bunch"? Why did they use that, when "group" would be a much better word?
C:\>perl -we "for(1..76){$sum += (int rand 6) + 1;} print $sum / 76
3.71052631578947
If that should have been 3.5, then 0.21 * 76 = 15.9 extra points over average.Perl, you lying oaf, you owe me 159 shekels. pay up.
I guess I'm being ironic, but with n=76, it would be great if "Those who were not under any time pressure reported a mean roll of 3.9. Both groups lied, then." came with a disclaimer about how confident we could be about that.
Maybe you could devise equipment that would convince subjects that roll was private even though it really wasn't. Ideas on how to do that? Hidden wireless/infrared camera in the cup?
If Justin Bieber is allowed hidden cameras, surely science is, too.
Also interesting: the experimenters are testing lying but refuse to lie themselves in order to properly carry out the experiment. I feel like there's some special irony in there somewhere.
http://www.newyorker.com/reporting/2010/12/13/101213fa_fact_...