That didn't end up becoming law, but there will be a critical mass of states opposed to effort (swing states who will lose influence mostly) that will pass things like this making the NPVIC impossible to implement.
That didn't end up becoming law, but there will be a critical mass of states opposed to effort (swing states who will lose influence mostly) that will pass things like this making the NPVIC impossible to implement.
I'm not sure enabling the minority to completely lock up the machinery of governance is a preferable alternative.
If you want to comfortably win elections you just have to win by more than a percent or two.
And furthermore, because the House is capped at 435, it throws everything off. If we kept following the original algorithm outlined in the constitution, which was very similar to the square root rule, the house would have 1600 members and the EC would still match the popular vote every time.
This is all broken because of the artificial cap on the house that makes each member represent far too many people.
The EC is a fossil from a time when representatives didn’t trust the average person to vote, but they sure as hell wanted the benefit of the average person in their state counting towards their census tally.
Your view, while an accurate representation of the original result of the negotiations of the Founding Fathers, disenfranchises more Republicans in California than there are Republicans in any other state.
State lines were mostly arbitrarily chosen and should not matter when choosing the leader who represents all of the states. For the same reason we use the popular vote of the entire jurisdiction to choose the elected officials for Senate and House, the NPVIC is a good compromise to improve the responsiveness of the government to the voters.
It is discussed here: https://www.nationalpopularvote.com/bill-text
"Popular votes can, however, only be counted from non-member states if there are popular votes available to count. As previously mentioned, Article II of the compact guarantees that each member state will produce a popular vote count because it requires member states to permit their voters to vote for President and Vice President in a “statewide popular election.” Even though all states have permitted their voters to vote for presidential electors in a “statewide popular election” since the 1880 election, non-member states are, of course, not bound by the compact. In the unlikely event that a non-member state were to take the presidential vote away from its own people, there would be no popular vote count available from such a state.
Similarly, in the unlikely event that a non-member state were to remove the names of the presidential nominees and vice-presidential nominees from the ballot and present the voters only with names of candidates for presidential elector (as was the case in 1960 in Alabama as shown by the ballot in figure 2.13 and discussed in section 2.11), there would be no way to associate the vote counts of the various presidential electors with the nationwide tally being accumulated by any regular “presidential slate” running in the rest of the country.
The compact addresses the above two unlikely possibilities by specifying that the popular votes that are to be aggregated to produce the “national popular vote total” are those that are
“… cast for each presidential slate in each State of the United States and in the District of Columbia in which votes have been cast in a statewide popular election … .”
In this way, the first clause of Article III of the compact deals with the unlikely possibility of a “one-state veto” preventing the orderly operation of the compact."
I guess the bill maybe does get around this by still having a popular vote, but not reporting the results of it. However, as far as I can tell, the NPVIC doesn't specify how the "chief election officials" are to determine the popular votes in each state, so maybe they could go off of other data, like exit polls.Even if it does stop it, the end result is a catch-22. I don't think a president could then be elected, at least by normal means.
Anyway, my point is states opposed to the NPVIC already have at least one good idea to stymie it. I think they could come up with plenty more. What if states refuse to certify their own votes until a majority of states vote to force a result equivalent to the "old" system?
People said the same thing about Roe vs. Wade being repealed.
Never say never.
Persuaded by this narrative (I presume), then-Governor of Nevada Steve Sisolak vetoed the NPVIC bill back in May of 2019 after it had passed both houses of the Nevada legislature.
Now, five years later, after passing through the legislature a second time, accession to the NPVIC via an amendment to the state constitution of Nevada will be a ballot question in November 2026 for voters — if it passes again in the 2025-2026 legislative session for a third time. [0]