Why the ruling against NSA’s phone records program could have huge implications
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Jim Sensenbrenner, who is the primary author of the Patriot Act (and therefore section 215,) has unequivocally said it doesn't authorize bulk collection. Two years ago he warned the heads of all of these agencies to change their policies or section 215 wasn't going to be renewed meaning any legitimate programs under section 215 become illegal. And it seems they've all been obstinately tone deaf, there's no evidence they've changed anything, they haven't even bothered to lie that they have changed their behavior in order to try and keep these programs.
[1] http://clerk.house.gov/evs/2007/roll836.xml
[2] http://clerk.house.gov/evs/2008/roll437.xml
[3] http://www.lawfareblog.com/2013/11/the-shameless-revisionism...
That Sensenbrenner and others lacked sufficient concern or imagination that section 215 would be wordsmithed and construed to support something like bulk collection is fair criticism. If you are a Congresscritter wanting to have your cake and eat it too, you'd write a vague law that steers completely clear of authorizing what you don't like (bulk collection), and then act shocked when it ends up happening. And I don't think that's a big stretch considering the minority of legislation Congress puts an expiration date on, and section 215 is such, expiring next month.
So now the question is whether Congress lacks any stomach for bulk collection and just lets it expire including all of the far less controversial programs (i.e. they're considered legal, even if you may not like the law or the policy). I think at best they renew it as is, and let the full appeals court or SCOTUS look at it. But they might just scrap it and come up with a narrower replacement to reauthorize uncontroversial parts.
No, you're right; I'll concede that. Both PAA and FAA modify law established through the PATRIOT Act, but neither touch Section 215.
I was trying to make a point more about hypocrisy and failure to perform oversight. He voted to amend the PATRIOT Act multiple times after the bulk collection program was publicly disclosed[1], but didn't do anything back then. We shouldn't have to fault him for lack of concern or imagination - he should have been sitting in on the classified briefings. There's no excuse for him to not know about this or any other NSA program that was briefed to the Judicial Committee, and he shouldn't be voting to amend his own law without understanding how it's being applied. He's says now that he's opposed to bulk collection, but he could voiced his support to end to it a decade ago by just doing his job.
> just lets it expire including all of the far less controversial programs
It's my understanding that only 3 provisions of the PATRIOT Act are set to sunset: Section 215, Section 206 ("roving wiretaps") and Section 6001 (the 'lone wolf' provision).
[1] http://usatoday30.usatoday.com/news/washington/2006-05-10-ns...
And that's just for the programs we know about...
These programs have been in place since at least the Clinton years, yet that didn't stop, say, 9/11. Nor did it stop the recent Boston bombers. Cases we do see stopped are often by lone nutters "buying" terror materials from law enforcement agents posing as terrorits. Kudos for catching these guys, but they are completely unsophisticated enemies. The sophisticated ones don't go on AOL chat asking for plastic explosives.
There are probably practical limits with SIGINT domestically. I think the argument that stopping crime is just like detecting a hacker on your network is fairly weak sauce. Our prevention outcomes will probably be the same if we started cutting these programs.
Trying to know everything does not work. Targeted, traditional police investigation works. Money diverted from the latter to the former is wasted and reduces safety.
And the reality is, effectiveness is complete irrelevant: the search is unconstitutional, even if it demonstrably saved lives.
Americans are just too willing to throw their freedoms at the boogie man.
The thing is, security agencies (not just in the USA) have failed, repeatedly, to act on information they did have. Part of if may have been due to inter-agency rivalries, part of it may have been the agencies drowning in data and being unable to draw any useful intelligence from it. But with this in mind, the demand to let them gather more and more data seems unlikely to solve any of these problems, even if one does not care much about privacy.
A few dozen times.
Then there's an attack, and the President gets to lecture us about weakening security. Then everybody hangs their heads and lets the agencies do whatever they want again.
I personally believe our representatives in Congress are terrified of being the one blamed for weakening our security.
(Yeah, that would never happen...)
Most recently, the shooting at Garland, TX. It seems the FBI knew about this ahead of time, and did a spectacularly bad job of warning the local authorities. But the attack was averted anyway, and according to the police chief there...
What does this all mean? Not much says Police Chief Bates, "Please note that the contents of that email would not have prevented the shooting nor would it have changed the law enforcement response in any fashion."
http://www.npr.org/blogs/thetwo-way/2015/05/11/406025002/tex...
There's an enormous world of difference between those two things.
Most of the other programs are missing these conditions and won't see effective challenges.
* yes, clearly. As others note above, the drafters of the statute have gone on record saying it was not intended to authorize bulk collection.
The reality was it was pretty difficult to call it legal with a straight face even before this ruling on 4th amendment grounds (even if congress calls it legal, the constitution supercedes it).
For an authoritarian, the law is whatever they say it is.
From the perspective of the agency, they've got a Supreme Court case (Smith v. Maryland) that states that people don't have a privacy interest in phone call metadata. Monitoring the phone metadata of many people versus one person is just a matter of scale, and scale is not really a factor for the 4th amendment. I can't think of anything where the Supreme Court has said that something is legal under the 4th amendment for one person, but not for millions of people.
They may rename the program, shuffle it to so other branch of their organisation, but I don't think they are going to stop. (Another problem, of course, is that they would have a very hard time proving they stopped, even if they did. If they just said, "yeah, we're sorry, won't happen again", who would believe them?)
This is a good argument for abolishing the NSA. As an institution it has completely lost credibility with any reasonable member of the electorate - it is hopelessly naive to believe what they say.
Perhaps it can be redeemed with a sustained program of vigorous oversight (over-vigorous, really), but failing that it needs to be abolished and replaced by a new organization with a different charter and most of the influential members of the NSA absent from the levers of power. Of course, neither of these things are likely to happen with the electorate in the state it's currently in.
To the contrary, what we have seen so far is that the NSA has structured its activities around well-defined legal principles:
No privacy interest in things crossing the border -> tapping cross-border fiber cables but not purely domestic ones.
No privacy interest in information held by third parties -> sending third-party subpoenas instead of directly tapping companies' networks.
No privacy interest in phone metadata -> collecting phone metadata.
Inapplicability of the 4th amendment to foreign nationals not on U.S. soil -> filtering out purely domestic communications.
really?
> We do not know exactly how the NSA and GCHQ intercept the data, other than it happens on British territory.
I did find this though(directly tapping companies networks in the past):
In 2011, when the FISC learned that the NSA was using similar methods to collect and analyze data streams — on a much smaller scale — from cables on U.S. territory, Judge John D. Bates ruled that the program was illegal under FISA and inconsistent with the requirements of the Fourth Amendment. [0]
[0] http://www.washingtonpost.com/world/national-security/nsa-in...
Given previous, I'm going to assume they still do routinely collect data between US data centres on fibre links - but that's only an assumption. No supporting evidence.
For the same reason, and previous behaviour, given no evidence to the contrary - thinking that they don't is only an assumption too.
Doesn't room 641a fit that description perfectly?
As we all start to internalize the value of metadata criminals will avoid using systems that expose it. This may reduce the value of this technique but I somehow suspect it will not remove it. So while arguing that the data isn't worth as much as claimed certainly sits well with me and other privacy advocates I wonder how long that argument will last.
[2] The panel noted that the government never “attempted to identify to what particular ‘authorized investigation’ ” the data of all Americans’ phone calls would be relevant.
I think this argument is also weak. That the act of collection has been limited to specific investigation has more to do with the physicality of historical communication mediums. At least I believe this has a greater influence over those limits than the idea of privacy. So I wonder how far this argument will hold. I will be happy if it holds in "public v. NSA" but suspect somewhere in the future, under some other constellation, it may not.
1. https://news.ycombinator.com/item?id=9498119
2. http://www.washingtonpost.com/world/national-security/appeal...
...but probably won't. Because security.